The following questions refer to the documents in chapter 4 of the Mason & Rizzo reader.
1. In "Declaration of the Rights of Woman," does Olympe de Gouges significantly revise the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen?" What is her argument for granting women full/active citizenship?
2. What do the National Assembly's debate on religious freedom and the petition of the Jews settled in France to the National Assembly tell us about the state of religious toleration at the beginning of the French Revolution?
3. What do the National Assembly's decree enfranchising free men of color and the newspaper account of the slave uprising in Saint-Domingue tell us about the Revolutionaries' attitudes towards race and slavery in the early 1790s?
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1. In "Declaration of the Rights of Woman," does Olympe de Gouges significantly revise the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen?" What is her argument for granting women full/active citizenship?
ReplyDeleteIn her declaration de Gouges does not seem to make any radical changes to the original, since the basic ideas seem to remain intact. However the changes she did make were changes to the language of the text that emphasize the equality of man and woman. Early in the declaration she makes the argument for full citizenship for women by saying that "Considering that ignorance, forgetfulness, or scorn for the rights of woman are the sole causes of public misfortune and corrupt government." In this line she is basically saying that the cause of disasters in the government is entirely due to women not having any say in the government. Later she goes on to make the claim that the old government depended on the "nocturnal administration of women" meaning that now without the old regime where women could have power behind the scenes they now needed full citizenship to help the republic.
2. What do the National Assembly's debate on religious freedom and the petition of the Jews settled in France to the National Assembly tell us about the state of religious toleration at the beginning of the French Revolution?
ReplyDeleteThe debate on religious freedom that took place in 1789 tell us that despite the granting of certain rights to protestants in 1787 there were still a lot of opposition to the granting of full toleration. it seems that the main issue in this debate was the fact that while liberty and equality had been pronounced by the National Assembly, still had not been handed sown to Non-Catholics. The major argument for toleration is best summed up by the petition given by the Jews: "A first principle is that all men domiciled in an empire, living as subjects of that empire, should share equally in the same title and should enjoy the same rights." This basically says that anybody who lives in and supports the state should be a citizen of that state regardless of religion.
-Jonathan Mcclintock
In "Declaration of the Rights of Woman," does Olympe de Gouges significantly revise the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen?" What is her argument for granting women full/active citizenship?
ReplyDeleteIn creating the "Declaration of the Rights of Woman", Olympe de Gouges made revisions such that each "right" was applied to women, as well as men. I especiallys liked her argument about the study of animals and plants and that "everywhere you will find them mingled, everywhere they cooperate with a unity harmonious to the immortal masterpiece".
2. What do the National Assembly's debate on religious freedom and the petition of the Jews settled in France to the National Assembly tell us about the state of religious toleration at the beginning of the French Revolution?
ReplyDeleteThese sources show the increasing popularity of the idea of religious toleration. Or, at least, they show the increasing willingness of people to speak out in favor of it. It is particularly notable that Rabaut de Saint-Etienne is willing/able to use his place in the Assembly to speak out in the Jews'/Protestants' defense. It shows that it is no longer social suicide -- that this man was able to speak out and have his position heard, and then adopted into the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen" certainly exhibits a leaning toward universal religious toleration for France ("provided their manifestation does not upset the public order established by law").
3. What do the National Assembly's decree enfranchising free men of color and the newspaper account of the slave uprising in Saint-Domingue tell us about the Revolutionaries' attitudes towards race and slavery in the early 1790s?
ReplyDeleteThe National Assembly's decree basically admits that they realize that free black men should have political rights just like free white men, and that they are willing to move towards that in France proper, but that they are not willing to take the heat from the colonies for trying to enforce the same rules in the colonies. The President says specifically that the National Assembly won't even talk about it "unless it is the previous, free, and spontaneous wish of the colonies," thereby putting the pressure on the colonial governments now.
As for the newspaper article, the newspaper itself seems to be a little biased and supports the uprisings in no uncertain terms -- "Brothers! remember that you have good friends across the seas, who at the first signal want to share with you their enlightenment and all the benefits of civilization hereafter better ordered."
What do the National Assembly's decree enfranchising free men of color and the newspaper account of the slave uprising in Saint-Domingue tell us about the Revolutionaries' attitudes towards race and slavery in the early 1790s?
ReplyDeleteThe National Assembly’s decree enfranchising free men of color tell us that the revolutionaries didn't really think about the slaves and their rights during this period of new law making. They were far away and the national assembly seemed as if it were just focusing on what was going on in France and no where else. They simply stated that they were not going to grant rights to slaves. The only people that were free citizens were those born of a free mother and father.
Rachel B
The debates tell us that there were many people on both sides of the issue and it was an important one. At the beginning of the revolution many people, among them Jews, were persecuted for their non catholic religious views. Most were not in favor of religious tolerance but as the subject was debated more people opened up to the idea more. This point of religious freedom is exactly why they are arguing and debating on what to include in “The Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen.” So it would have been hypocritical to include all these other rights but then to restrict religion to Catholism only as because as Conte De Mirabeau said, “If you have a dominant religion, then a dominant philosophy, then dominant systems, only justice should dominant.”
ReplyDeleteThe National Assembly's decree enfranchising free men of color and the newspaper account of the slave uprising in Saint-Domingue tell us that despite the Assembly not legislating on slavery, they were not entirely opposed to it because they discussed it and they did grant free men of color rights. But after this decree they had to reverse it because the slaves began a revolt on the grounds of equality. The revolutionaries realized that if they could not grant the same rights to the slaves as they had for the free black people, then they couldn’t grant any rights at all to anyone of color. Essentially the Assemble was not entirely sure of their position on the matter, hence the rescinding of the decree.
3. What do the National Assembly's decree enfranchising free men of color and the newspaper account of the slave uprising in Saint-Domingue tell us about the Revolutionaries' attitudes towards race and slavery in the early 1790s?
ReplyDeleteThey are proud to support the slave uprising in Saint-Domingue. They believe that they French who rule over them are wrong and shouldn’t treat them as lesser people just because of the color of their skin. They believe that slavery is wrong and that we are all equal.
Steph Talarek
2) At the beginning of the French revolution, there were many people of different faiths who argued about the right of the individual to practice a particular faith. Mason and Rizzo write that until 1787, Protestants were basically denied what we now call inalienable rights. Jews were looked down upon and seen as people who lived in France but did not belong there. While debating religion's role in the constitution, Rabaut de Saint-Etienne suggests to the National Assembly that they include in their declaration "every man is free in his opinions; every citizen has the right to freely practice his religion..." This opinion was reached after a lengthy discussion in which many points of view were defended. There were Catholics who wanted theirs to be the dominant religion, while others claimed that the word "dominant" had no place in the constitution. Men like the Comte de Mirabeau claim that religion is like opinion, and that every man should be free to express this opinion. Mirabeau and Saint-Etienne seem to agree that it would be wrong, "barbarous" even, to deny a man his opinion. The Debate on Religious Freedom reveals that there was much religious intolerance during the beginning of the revolution, but the idea of refusing to allow someone to practice their faith was a form of oppression, and therefore could not be tolerated in the new order.
ReplyDeleteAngela Hamilton
In "Declaration of the Rights of Woman," does Olympe de Gouges significantly revise the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen?" What is her argument for granting women full/active citizenship?
ReplyDeleteThe thing that stuck me about Olympe de Gouges' "Declaration of the Rights of Women" was how similar it was to the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen." Just look at the first clauses in both documents. In the Men's Declaration; "1. Men are born free and remain equal in rights. Social distinctions can be based only on public utility" (103). In the Women's Declaration; "1. Women is born free and lives equal to man in her rights. Social distinctions may be founded only upon common utility" (111). As you can see both clauses are very similar. The obvious point she is trying to make is that men and women are equal in rights and privileges, which she makes clear by stating men and women in her declaration.
Travis Jeffries
In “Declartion of the Rights of Woman”, Olympe de Gouges writes in women specifically into all the rights that were listed in the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen". The purpose of this is show that men and women are equal. Also I think she believes life for women at this time is obviously different than for men and some of the rights she listed specifically address womens' needs. She makes her argument for granting women full/active citizenship by saying that “scorn for the rights of women are the sole causes of public misfortune and corrupt government” and that this document she has written will show that women and men can be equal and deserve the same respect and all members of society will benefit.
ReplyDeleteTori Barnes
Reading Question # 2
ReplyDeleteAlthough the National Assembly was moving forward with their quest for Independence, they were still struggling with religious independence. Even though, the Declaration of the Rights of Man clearly states, “No one should be disturbed on account of his opinions, even religious” (105); this as attribute to the Constitution was not enjoyed by all religious sectors. The National Assembly was unsure whether the Jewish population should be allowed to worship freely. They tabled this issue because they were unable to decide whether French Jews were different all together or if they were capable of blending in with the rest of the French Population. Religious toleration was a split topic within the Assembly; some believed Jews should be viewed as citizens, some believed it would have dangerous outcomes, and the remainder felt they should gradually receive independence and religious freedom. The Jewish population was interested in becoming citizens of France who were able to worship freely and not worry about religious persecution. The Jewish population wanted to be recognized; they believed their religion did not disturb society and should be permitted. The National Assembly continued to see the Jews as foreigners unable to adapt and become apart of France. This view was illuminated when the Assembly recognized a previously oppressed religion, the Protestant faith. I believe the National Assembly recognized the Protestant faith because it was more accepting. The worshipers of this faith could be assimilated into French society more so than those who were Jewish. Their dogmas are not contradictory to that of the dominant faith, which was Catholicism. The Assembly viewed the Protestant dogmas as those which did not disturb or threaten the Catholic faith. In regard to the Jewish faith, many citizens stilled viewed the Jews and their faith as a possible threat to the larger faith and may promote hostilities throughout French communities.
Written by: Kathryne Hardy
Reading Question # 3
Although, the Assembly was moving forward with Independence it was not willing to change its attitudes toward those of color, especially if their parents were not free to begin with. This same argument is seen in regard to religious toleration. Slaves were too different for the French government to truly accept as free citizens. Slave services were too important to the white population, without them who would farm their lands. Prejudices, such as these, were apparent even in America’s establishment of Independence. Slaves and race were a divided line and even though France wanted to be viewed as a free and independent country there was still going be discrimination. These discriminations were viewed by the Assembly as acceptable in regard to the greater good of society. I believe many truly felt there could be disastrous consequences across communities if slaves were allowed freedom. They were viewed differently during this time period and believed to be incapable of accepting French norms and blending in with society.
Written by: Kathryne Hardy
1. In "Declaration of the Rights of Woman," does Olympe de Gouges significantly revise the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen?" What is her argument for granting women full/active citizenship?
ReplyDeleteIn the "Declaration of the Rights of Woman", Olympe de Gouges does not seem to make any extreme changes. She basically edits it so that it may include women and men. It seems as though she agrees with what they have put out but simply would like it to include both genders. What I found interesting is that in the letter to the queen Olympe de Gouges mentions how she was the only one to defend queen when the empire blamed her for their calamities. But she goes as far as saying " defend this unfortunate sex and you will soon have one half the kingdom on your side". You also gets this idea that everything that has happened in the kingdom is simply because women have had no say thus far.
Irania E.
3. What do the National Assembly's decree enfranchising free men of color and the newspaper account of the slave uprising in Saint-Domingue tell us about the Revolutionaries' attitudes towards race and slavery in the early 1790s?
ReplyDeleteThe National's Assembly of decree shows us that they sort of disregarded the status of colored men. I also thought they were pretty bold in saying that they " will never deliberate of the political staus of men of color". You would only be considered if you were born of free mother and father. They also mention that they will not consider them unless it is the wish of the colonies. As though they want to take the spotlight off them and put it on these government colonies. So if anything were to happen they cannot be blammed in the end.As for the newspaper article, it basically saying that they deserve as many rights as any other person of France. They have done their share of work and have done enough for France to atleast be considered for rights. " You demand to be free; this is just. But be as generous as we have been in France".
Irania E.
3. What do the National Assembly's decree enfranchising free men of color and the newspaper account of the slave uprising in Saint-Domingue tell us about the Revolutionaries' attitudes towards race and slavery in the early 1790s?
ReplyDeleteThe National's Assembly of decree shows us that they sort of disregarded the status of colored men. I also thought they were pretty bold in saying that they " will never deliberate of the political staus of men of color". You would only be considered if you were born of free mother and father. They also mention that they will not consider them unless it is the wish of the colonies. As though they want to take the spotlight off them and put it on these government colonies. So if anything were to happen they cannot be blammed in the end.As for the newspaper article, it basically saying that they deserve as many rights as any other person of France. They have done their share of work and have done enough for France to atleast be considered for rights. " You demand to be free; this is just. But be as generous as we have been in France".
Irania E.
2. What do the National Assembly's debate on religious freedom and the petition of the Jews settled in France to the National Assembly tell us about the state of religious toleration at the beginning of the French Revolution?
ReplyDeleteThe National Assembly’s debate on religious freedom and the petition of the Jews in France to the Nation Assembly tells us that there wasn’t a lot of religious toleration at the beginning of the French Revolution. In this document and in the one about the Protestants, both groups felt that they were being excluded or ignored and weren’t receiving the same rights as Catholics. The Jewish people were doing everything a citizen of France would do aka pay taxes, etc… but they thought they were being treated as “foreigners.” For example, they state, “The Jews are not in any way foreigners in France. They are subjects of this empire; they are and should be citizens” (107). There was a quote I thought really helped to support their argument for citizenship. On page 108, they say that, “Because to tolerate is to accept that one has the right to prohibit;…and worship paid for by it, does not have the right to prohibit another religion from humbly raising itself up alongside.” I thought this summed up how they felt towards the situation at hand. They wanted them to realize that even though they weren’t apart of the dominant faith, it was still okay for them to be recognized too.
3.What do the National Assembly's decree enfranchising free men of color and the newspaper account of the slave uprising in Saint-Domingue tell us about the Revolutionaries' attitudes towards race and slavery in the early 1790s?
The National Assembly’s decree enfranchising free men of color and the newspaper account of the slave uprising in Saint-Domingue tell us that the Revolutionaries’ attitude towards race and slavery in the early 1970s was neglect. After Raymond wrote a letter to the President pleading for equals rights for free men of color, the president wrote back that, “Free men of color, born of a free father and mother, will be admitted into all future parochial and colonial assemblies if they otherwise possess the required qualities” (109). In other words, they weren’t going to grant Raymond what he wanted. They were going to stick to the original law.
Kate Starnes
In "Declaration of the Rights of Woman," does Olympe de Gouges significantly revise the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen?" What is her argument for granting women full/active citizenship?
ReplyDeleteIn the "Declaration of the Rights of Woman" Olympe de Gouges does not significantly revise the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen." She simply adds in the word "woman" in addition to man throughout the document. Olympe de Gouges makes the point that "...ignorance, forgetfulness, or scorn for the rights of women are the sole causes of public misfortune and corrupt government." This passage is found in the preamble of "Declaration of the Rights of Woman and Citizen" and is a part of her argument for the granting of equal rights to women. In the postamble de Gouges also claims that women have reaped none of the benefits of the revolution even though they were integral participants. “What are the advantages you have received from the Revolution? A more marked scorn, a more pronounced disdain. In the centuries of corruption you have reigned only over the weaknesses of men. Your empire is destroyed; what remains for you?” It is a call to arms for women to no longer accept being less than the men they take care of. Olympe de Gouges simply wants women to realize their worth and to act.
What do the National Assembly's debate on religious freedom and the petition of the Jews settled in France to the National Assembly tell us about the state of religious toleration at the beginning of the French Revolution?
ReplyDeleteI think that by the beginning of the French Revolution, people were starting to warm up to the idea of religious toleration. In the article about the Jewish people, it was argued that Jews were in fact citizens of France since they lived there and were immersed in the culture. The article also argued that Jews are similar to Protestants in their quest for rights and now Protestants have rights and are accepted into the community.
Lindsay Berreth
2.
ReplyDeleteEurope has always had a long history of tension with the Jews. The Jews were blamed when things went bad. This is seen especially during the black death. At the time of the Revolution, these things had not changed. It is very difficult to change minds in a short period of time. The people in favor of the new assembly and democracy, equality and liberty may have favored toleration for protestants with whom many bloody wars were fought and it was seen as healthy to make sure more didnt happen, the Jews were still viewed as unwanted and second class citizens. People like to believe that the Germans were the only ones that persecuted the Jews during WWII but every nation they conquered played a part. The poor treatment of Jews in Europe is just like racism against blacks in America. People still held deeply bigoted views of Jews at this time and no document or idea was likely to change centuries of hatred of the Jews.
Matthew Straub
Elliot Grimm
ReplyDeleteWhat do the National Assembly's debate on religious freedom and the petition of the Jews settled in France to the National Assembly tell us about the state of religious toleration at the beginning of the French Revolution?
The debate on religious freedom in France at this time shows the increasing acceptance towards religious practices. For a long time the jews were considered to be inferior because of their unpopular religion in France. Observing the debate, however, the speakers recognize the Jews as citizens s france who pay taxes and therefore must be recognized as equal. There is a noticeable trend also in the petition that equal rights for everyone of France was becoming a more popular issue. Tolerance of all kind was becoming fluent in France, and Religious tolerance marks the beginning of that trend.
Elliot Grimm
Elliot Grimm
ReplyDelete3. What do the National Assembly's decree enfranchising free men of color and the newspaper account of the slave uprising in Saint-Domingue tell us about the Revolutionaries' attitudes towards race and slavery in the early 1790s?
The attitudes towards men of color from the revolutionaries at this time was more accepting than in previous times in France. They were willing to allow men of color rights, but were still divided on the matter of slaves. Obviously, slaves were an important part of French society, so to automatically grant them freedoms and rights would be problematic all over regions in France. Men of color were recognized as free if they were born to a free mother and father. This shows that attitudes were changing in France towards colored people, but they did not fully accept the idea of all men as equal to each other. With the slave uprising, the notions that slaves should be deemed free and citizens set back this notion even further.
Elliot Grimm
The national assembly decree enfranchising free men of color and the newspaper account of the slave uprising in Saint-Domingue tell us that the revolutionaries viewed slavery as an institution where people of color did no have any rights because they weren't free. Only those few black men of color born of a free father and mother would be allowed to participate in assemblies if qualified to do so. National Assembly attitude towards those status of men of color who weren't born to a free father and mother is carefree because their not free, so they dont get a say in anything, especially what rights they should recieve.
ReplyDelete-Jeremy McCain
2. What do the National Assembly's debate on religious freedom and the petition of the Jews settled in France to the National Assembly tell us about the state of religious toleration at the beginning of the French Revolution?
ReplyDeleteSeemingly, at the offset of the French Revolution, religious toleration was not an issue of great import to the reformers. The debate is seemingly full of excuses over defining not only who the Jews were, but what exactly they wanted. Consequently, the National Assembly postponed a vote on the issue from August to December. While the French empire was ready to accept the Protestants as citizens, following years of war, they were however not ready to grant the same favor to the Jews.
~James Scutari